Iran Decentralizes Command of Iraqi Militias Amid Mounting War Pressures
In a significant strategic shift driven by the pressures of ongoing conflict, Iran has granted its field commanders greater autonomy over militias operating in Iraq. This move allows some groups to carry out operations without seeking prior approval from Tehran, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter.
Decentralized Command Structure Emerges
Three militia members and two other officials, all speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive matters, confirmed to The Associated Press that the most hard-line factions now operate under a decentralized command structure. "The various forces have been granted the authority to operate according to their own field assessments without referring back to a central command," explained one militia official who was not authorized to speak publicly.
This development reflects lessons drawn from previous conflicts, including a 12-day war in June, after which greater field autonomy was implemented. During that earlier conflict, operations had been tightly centralized, but the aftermath prompted a reevaluation of command protocols.
Iraq's Institutional Fragility Exposed
The war in the Middle East has starkly exposed the fragility of Iraq's state institutions and their limited capacity to restrain these powerful militia groups. Many Iran-backed militias receive funding through the Iraqi state budget and are embedded within the country's security apparatus, drawing sharp criticism from the United States and other nations that have borne the brunt of their attacks.
Despite mounting pressure from Washington, Baghdad has struggled to contain or deter the groups. The parallel confrontation between the U.S. and the militias has deepened Iraq's crisis, with factions acting as extensions of Iran's regional campaign and escalating attacks on American assets in Iraq before a tenuous ceasefire was reached in April.
U.S. Response and Sanctions Intensify
Even if the ceasefire agreement holds, Washington is expected to intensify both military and political efforts against the groups, particularly as they gain latitude to operate more independently. On Friday, the U.S. imposed sanctions on seven commanders and senior members of four hard-line Iran-backed Iraqi militia groups.
"The U.S. is still going to feel it has the freedom of action to hit Iraqi militias," said Michael Knights, head of research for Horizon Engage and an adjunct fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. "That may well play out into an effort to try and guide a less militia-dominated government formation."
Iranian Delegation Delivers Blunt Message
Days into the war sparked by U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran in late February, an Iranian delegation arrived in Iraq's Kurdish region with a stark message. According to a senior Iraqi Kurdish government official speaking anonymously, the delegation warned that if militia attacks escalated near U.S. military bases, commercial interests, and diplomatic missions, Kurdish authorities should not complain to Tehran.
"They said they've devolved authority to regional Iranian commanders," the official revealed, explaining that in the past, Kurdish leaders would call Iranian officials after attacks to ask why they had been targeted. "This time, they wanted to preempt that by saying, 'We can't help you with the groups in the south right now.'"
Militia Operations and U.S. Targeting
During the recent conflict, key Iraqi militia leaders appeared to step back from direct involvement in operations, according to analysts. U.S. strikes largely eliminated mid-level commanders rather than top figures, with American forces also focusing on Iranian Revolutionary Guard advisory cells.
In one notable strike in Baghdad's upscale Jadriya neighborhood, three Guard advisers were killed at a house serving as their headquarters during a meeting, according to militia sources. "None of the first-line leaders have been killed," confirmed a second militia official who was not authorized to brief reporters.
The Paradox of Government Control
At the heart of Iraqi government efforts to rein in militia groups lies a profound paradox: The very factions the government claims it cannot control are tied to political parties that brought it to power. The Coordination Framework, an alliance of influential pro-Iran Shiite factions, helped install Mohammed Shia al-Sudani as prime minister in 2022.
Militia forces carrying out attacks on U.S. targets are not rogue actors but part of the state's Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Created after the fall of Mosul in 2014 to formalize volunteer units that helped defeat the Islamic State, the PMF has evolved into a powerful force that now surpasses the Iraqi army in certain respects.
Fighters receive state salaries and access to government resources, including weapons and intelligence. This creates what critics describe as a deep contradiction: state-funded groups operating in line with Iranian priorities, even when doing so undermines Iraq's national interests.
Limited Government Measures Meet Resistance
Prime Minister al-Sudani has taken limited steps to curb militia influence, including further institutionalizing the PMF and occasionally removing commanders who act outside state authority. However, these efforts have met significant resistance from militia groups themselves.
The U.S. may seek to isolate the most hard-line factions—including Kataib Hezbollah, Harakat al-Nujaba, and Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada—from others more embedded in Iraq's political system. "The bad militias from the worse militias," as the senior Iraqi Kurdish official characterized the potential differentiation strategy.
Militia Positioning and Dual Allegiances
Harakat al-Nujaba spokesperson Mahdi al-Kaabi offered insight into the complex positioning of these groups, stressing both alignment with Iran and claims to Iraqi state legitimacy. "To put it bluntly, we are allies of the Islamic Republic," he stated, describing the group as part of Iran's regional "axis" alongside Hezbollah in Lebanon and Ansar Allah in Yemen.
Simultaneously, he insisted the group operates within Iraq's political order, supporting the state and government when they serve national interests. "It's true we're not affiliated with the government or the prime minister, but we respect the law and the constitution," al-Kaabi asserted, highlighting the dual nature of these organizations that receive Iraqi state funding while pursuing Iranian strategic objectives.
The decentralization of command represents a significant evolution in Iran's management of its proxy forces in Iraq, creating new challenges for both Baghdad and Washington as they navigate an increasingly complex security landscape in the region.
